大选过后的苏丹

 
Turabi’s turban is too much for Bashir
图拉比的穆斯林头巾让巴希尔真是压力重重

SINCE Omar al-Bashir took power in a coup in 1989, he has tended to grant democratic freedoms only when absolutely forced to. The peace deal of 2005 that ended 21 years of civil war between the Arab north and the black south relaxed sharia law on non-Muslims, one of the southerners’ main complaints, and, at the urging of the West, provided for free and fair elections. Mr Bashir’s regime in Khartoum, the capital, allowed a bit of space for opposition politicians and journalists when the polls finally happened in April. But once the event was over and Mr Bashir had been confirmed as president after a shoddy election, he quickly and sharply tightened the reins once more.
自奥马•阿尔-巴希尔在1989年在一次政变夺取政权，他便有意要在面临重压之下才去实行民主自由。2005年所签署的结束了北方阿拉伯人与南方黑人之间21年内战的和平协议，减轻了对非穆斯林执行的伊斯兰教教法（南方人其中一个最主要的委屈）的强度，并在西方国家的催促下，为整个苏丹提供一个自由与公平的选举环境。今年四月，当投票过程结束之际，巴希尔在首都喀土木的政权为反对党政治家与媒体记者给予了一定的自由言论与民主的空间。但在选举结束，巴希尔先生在弄虚作假的投票下确定成为苏丹总统之后，他再次以迅雷之势并强烈地控制住了一切。

His first and biggest victim since the poll is a veteran Islamist, Hassan al-Turabi, an ally turned staunch critic of the president. Since May 15th he has been held without charge. He has been jailed half a dozen times in the past decade, last year for suggesting that Mr Bashir should hand himself over to the International Criminal Court in The Hague, which has charged him with war crimes committed when suppressing rebels in the western region of Darfur. The National Security Service, a controversial body, has yet to explain why it nabbed Mr Turabi this time. An official of Mr Bashir’s National Congress Party (NCP) said he had published inflammatory articles and abetted the Justice and Equality Movement (JEM), a Darfur rebel group.
自投票举行以来，巴希尔总统的头号与最大的受害人是富有经验的伊斯兰教人士哈桑•阿尔-图拉比，一位从总统盟友变成坚定判官的人。自今年五月十五日，他便在没有任何指控下被拘留。在过去的十年里，图拉比六次入狱，而去年入狱是因为提议让巴希尔总统向海牙的国际刑事法庭自首，该法庭指控巴希尔总统在镇压西部地区达尔富尔叛军的斗争中犯下战争罪行。苏丹国家安全机构（一个备受争议的政府机构）仍无法解释他们这次为何要逮捕图拉比先生。据巴希尔总统的国家国会党的一位官员称，图拉比已经发布了煽动性的文件，鼓动一个达尔富尔叛军组织“公正与公平运动”进行暴乱行动。

This is an old charge that Mr Turabi, who is said to be in solitary confinement, has always denied. A communiqué from the information ministry did not mention Mr Turabi by name, but lambasted a series of articles in his newspaper, Rai al-Shaab, including one that suggested a link between the Iranian Revolutionary Guard and a Sudanese factory. The newspaper has been closed and several of its journalists also detained. The family of the acting editor says he has been tortured.
对于据说被单独监禁的图拉比先生而言，这种老生常谈的指控是遭到他一直否认的。国家信息部的一份官方公告没有提到图拉比的名字，但斥责了图拉比举办的报纸Rai al-Shaab上的一系列文章，包括指出伊朗革命军与一家苏丹工厂有着密切联系的文章。这家报社被强制关闭，就职的几位记者同样遭到拘留。这家报社的执行编辑的家人说道，他为此遭到了严刑逼供。

Siddiq al-Turabi, the old man’s son, says Mr Bashir has used a flawed election to justify a return to repression. The ruling NCP won nearly every seat in the north; many of the main opposition parties boycotted the poll. The NCP and its organs, says the younger Turabi, will revert to their old ways, using a security law to detain people arbitrarily. “This is not the promised heaven after elections, this is the opposite.”
老人的儿子斯蒂克•阿尔-图拉比说道，巴希尔总统利用了一次缺陷重重的选举，让他有理由对国家实行镇压。执政党国家国会党几乎赢得了北方的所有席位；大多数的反对党对投票都表示质疑。小图拉比说道，国家国会党以及其党羽将会重新使用过去的政权方式——使用国家安全法律来独断专行，对人民实行拘留。“大选过后，苏丹没有迎来梦想的天堂，却为人民带来了恶梦。”

Opposition politicians from several groups joined Mr Turabi’s party in criticising his detention. Some opposition leaders had spoken of their pleasure at the relative freedoms accorded them during the electoral campaign, when they were allowed out on the trail and were even given a bit of access to the state media. But several, including Yassir Arman, a senior figure in the Sudan People’s Liberation Movement (SPLM), the political arm of the main southern rebel group, had given warning that these would disappear once the poll was over. Another opposition figure, Farouk Abu Issa, was also briefly detained.
来自几个组织的反对党政治家们加入了图拉比的阵营，批判政府对他实行的监禁。一些反对党领袖表示，选举活动中相对的自由让他们很是高兴，他们能够进行游说活动，并可以一定程度地使用国家级媒体做宣传。但包括来自苏丹人民解放运动（南方主要叛军组织的政治力量）的高层人物的亚瑟•阿尔曼在内的其它几位则表示警告说，这一切在投票结束后都会灰飞烟灭。另一位反对党人物法罗克•阿布•伊萨同样在短时间内遭到拘留。

The media had also been given a freer hand during the election. In September the president had issued a decree that cancelled “pre-censorship”, a device requiring national-security people to visit newspaper offices every evening to remove any article they disliked. So a flurry of articles came out in some of the braver pro-opposition newspapers, criticising Mr Bashir and his NCP. Journalists had hoped they would continue in this way after the election. But a few days after Mr Turabi was detained, the editors of Ajras al-Hurriya and al-Sahafa said that national-security agents had told them not to publish articles on Darfur, Mr Turabi or politics in the wake of the poll. Ajras al-Hurriya, the SPLM’s Arabic-language newspaper, had so many articles censored it decided not to publish the next day. Journalists have complained to official bodies about the closure of Rai al-Shaab and the return of pre-censorship, to no avail.
大选期间，新闻媒体也得到了更多的自由。去年九月，巴希尔总统颁布了一份取消“预审查制度”的法令，这种审查制度要求国家安全人员在每天的傍晚例行走访新闻媒体办事处，删除他们不喜欢的任何文章。于是一时间大量的文章就被载入到某些胆大的亲反对党报纸上，指责巴希尔总统与国家国会党的种种行为。新闻记者们希望大选过后这种局面能够继续维持下去。但在图拉比先生被拘留几天后，新闻报纸Ajras al-Hurriya与al-Sahafa的编辑便说道，国家安全情报员告诉他们不要刊登有关达尔富尔的文章，以及有关图拉比或大选过后的政治的文章。苏丹人民解放运动的阿拉伯语言的报纸Ajras al-Hurriya的很多文章被审查，于是他们决定第二天不去刊登这些文章。新闻记者就Rai al-Shaab报社被关闭以及预审查制度的再执行向政府机构发出了投诉，但徒劳无获。

Some opposition politicians had expected Mr Bashir to announce the release of the journalists and Mr Turabi during his recent inauguration. Instead, Mr Bashir lauded the benefits the elections had brought and declared that Sudan’s people had taught the world a lesson. Foreign governments and monitoring bodies have expressed unease about the polls, while limiting their criticism to “technical irregularities”. The polls, they say cagily, “did not meet international standards”. But Mr Bashir’s people repeatedly hail a “democratic transformation”. The first multi-party contest since 1986 was “a valuable stepping-stone” towards true democracy.
一些反对党政治家们期待，巴希尔总统能在他最近的任职期间宣布释放新闻记者与图拉比先生。与之相反，巴希尔总统大举歌颂了选举为苏丹带来的益处，并宣布苏丹人民给了整个世界一个教训。外国政府与监控机构对于投票表示出了忧虑，然而却只是指出了这一切都是由于“技术上的不规格性”而导致的。但巴希尔的人民更多信息请访问：http://www.24en.com/

Western diplomats privately admit their top priority was not the cleanliness of the election nor the revival of political freedoms but next January’s referendum, when the southerners, under the 2005 peace deal, are to vote on independence. If that vote is fair, they will probably choose to have a brand-new country.
西方外交官们也暗自承认，他们最首要的任务不是保证大选的透明度，也不是复苏政治的自由，而是确保明年一月的公民投票权，到时候在2005年和平协议的规定下，南方人能够独立进行投票。如果投票能保证公平，那么苏丹人民将可能拥有一个崭新的国家。

So the election’s chief upshot is that Mr Bashir has tightened his grip in the north and the SPLM has done the same in the south, where a disaffected general has already taken to the bush with several hundred men, alleging massive electoral fraud. Both the SPLM and Mr Bashir’s NCP seem sure to cite their big majorities as a justification for swatting dissent. And if the south becomes independent, do not expect too much freedom there either.
因此，大选的首要任务便是巴希尔总统能对北方进行严格的控制，苏丹人民解放运动对南方也采取同样的政策，然而不幸的是，南方的一位叛变的将军已经带着好几百人入驻山林为寇，并发誓会发起大规模的选举欺诈行动。苏丹人民解放运动与巴希尔的国家国会党似乎肯定会利用自己所拥有的多数力量去猛击异己分子。而如果苏丹南部能够独立，也别指望那时候那里的人民会有多少的自由权利。